Arjuna Hulugalle said,

January 24, 2007 @ 10:02 am

Towards a new political order in Sri Lanka:
Learning from the Swiss example
by Arjuna Hulugalle
The choice of the peripheral Unit to which regional power is assigned and how it is shaped and structured is of paramount importance. It has primacy in any discussion on the New Political Order. Of course, sharing power at the Centre is as important but this article does not handle that.
A question which haunts me is whether we are caught up in a psychological psychosis depicted by the famous Malaysian monkey trap syndrome.
Here the monkey reaches into an empty Coconut to grab bait – a nut – and when it tries to pull its hand out, the hand gets caught. If the monkey holds on to the bait the hand is stuck. If the monkey releases the bait, its hand is released but it loses the bait.
We are in a similar dilemma. The Sinhalese, as the biggest population group, have to divest the mental state of predominance merely because of their numbers. They must face the reality of being Sri Lankan. The Tamils and Muslims have to shed the false ideas of homelands. Collectively, we have to work towards a Sri Lanka where all of us can live together. In the end we are here to stay.
Our population is not homogeneous. Three main languages and several cultures and subcultures operate side by side. The political format will, therefore, have to work mechanisms which take this factor into account. Other mechanisms like the Pradeshiyarajya and Gramarajyas to empower the people and give them space to be proactive have to be constructed, as well. For this presentation, a comparison with a similar scenario is looked at, namely the Swiss Model.
The Swiss have cracked the problems of ethnic diversity. They evolved a system over many generations. The proportions of ethnic diversity in the population numbers between the German Swiss and those of the French Swiss and Italian Swiss are similar to the proportions of our groups. They have gelled these groups by mechanisms that have held them together. Their raison d`etre is applicable to us.
Majority dominance and the dangers of psychological marginalization
In Sri Lanka, with the preponderance of the numbers and the strong historical imprint of the majority community, the domination of that community is inevitable.
Even in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces there are 276 Archaeological sites of importance to the Sinhala people. This is significant to the Sinhala psyche and their sense of history. Elsewhere in the country, the influence of Sinhala and Buddhist culture is even stronger.
Other communities have at times felt marginalized because of their different religious and cultural backgrounds. They represent the minority percentage of 26.5%.
Democracy as practiced today favours development of majority objectives. For the Tamil speaking communities, the perception is that the Sri Lankan State is a Sinhala enterprise. That is unacceptable and unbearable.
This feeling of marginalization has pushed the Tamil speaking communities to seek affiliations with ethnic and culturally related groups elsewhere. That happened in the nineteen eighties when the LTTE was nurtured by Tamiln nadu.
The danger is Sri Lanka could once again become a plaything to the vagaries of South Indian politics. The Muslims, too, could turn to a powerful Muslim country for support.
The Burghers and English speaking Sri Lankans have quietly moved away in large numbers to Western countries.
The Swiss solution
The Swiss had a similar problem. The percentage of its three national groups (not speaking of the Romanche, her fourth nationality) is over 70% for German, 20% French, and 7% for the Italian speaking population.
If these three national groups as such were the basis for the Swiss Confederation, it would have inevitably resulted in the domination of the large German speaking block.
The reason for the French and Italian speaking communities remaining in an enterprise, dominated by the German groups, would have been strained.
The French Swiss and the Italian Swiss would have been pushed across the border to their own blood-relatives. Similarly, the German block could have been tempted to join Germany.
In fact, the basis of the existence of Switzerland and the principle of various national groups living together is not the confederation of her three nationalities, but the federation of her 20 Cantons and 6 half Cantons, which represent a division of her nationalities.
This was an essential precondition for the democratic federation. The reason is that Switzerland is a union of Cantons, not of nations.
To understand this, Swiss, for instance, from Geneva does not confront the Swiss from Zurich as a German to a French confederate, but as a citizen from the Canton of Geneva to a citizen from the Canton of Zurich.
The power delegated to Berne is from its status as a Canton and not from its nationality.
It is important to realise that in Switzerland people consider themselves as Bernese, Zurichois, and Genevese. Their loyalties are to their Cantons and not to their nationalities as German Swiss, French Swiss, or Italian Swiss. If at all, they refer to themselves as Swiss.
The unique hallmark of the Swiss idea is the smallness of its cells from which it derives its guaranties.
The alternative to this historical development would have been three provinces not of Switzerland, but finally of Germany, Italy and France separately.
The Swiss parallel and logic of avoiding mono-ethnic and large Provinces as an alternative to their Cantonal form of government is a subject which has to be examined by the experts formulating our New Political Order in Sri Lanka.
District as a superior Unit of devolution
In Sri Lanka, most administrators who have held responsible positions in the regions consider the District as a more efficient unit of administration. They see it from a management point of view.
Smaller units, moreover, offer more opportunities for participation by local people.
Legislators would be better informed, with -
- the needs and potential of the areas they represent;
- better equipped to define local priorities;
- more accountable for their decisions; and
- more responsive to local needs.
The ‘democratic deficit’, which everybody complains of nowadays at a national and provincial level, could be addressed with a smaller Unit.
As was the case of the Cantons, districts being smaller units prevent the danger of them being tempted to secede. Also, it upholds the integrity of the state and its maintenance. It does this while guaranteeing the security of individuals in any part of the country.
With time, smaller Units of Devolution will have mixed populations. The fear of majoritarianism, which is a bugbear of the minorities in Provincial administrations with large Sinhala populations, is diluted.
The fear of the Sinhala people about the vagaries of South Indian politics influencing the predominantly Tamil Provinces will become less important. Most probably, and with time, they will become non-existent.
All citizens of this country, including foreigners, must feel comfortable in any part of Sri Lanka.
Every major community will have predominance in at least one District.
Amparai will have a Muslim predominance. Nuwara Eliya could have an Up Country Tamil Chief Minister.
When it comes to representation of the cultures of localities, one would see Hambantota with its own character. It could have its own Districtrajya and separate from Galle.
So it will be with Mannar and Jaffna or Batticaloa and Amparai.
There are several merits to devolve power on Swiss lines to the Districts.
The convoluted attempts at carving out ethnic enclaves, which are administratively impractical, will be avoided.
Then there is the minefield of the merger of the Northern Province with the Eastern Province, which will abort any formula put forward by the politicians and constitutionalists. This volatile confrontation becomes a non-issue in a District based solution.
Though ethnicity is not the criteria for District devolution, the most striking factor is that there would be at least 7 Districts (exercising wide powers) where the language of administration would be Tamil. Two districts, possibly three, would have both as the languages of administration.
In all Districts, Sinhala or Tamil should be a second language depending on which is the primary language of the District; and such a second language should be taught in all schools.
In Switzerland, the second language in individual Cantons is generally either French or German although there are 4 official languages.
There is another advantage, to have Districts as the unit of devolution and that is, it provides an opportunity for power-sharing among all major political parties both at a legislative and executive level.
The PA, UNP, JVP, LTTE, TULF, EPDP, the upcountry Tamil parties, the Muslim parties could all be big fish in one or another District.
Elections, can be carried out on a proportional basis. This would encourage consensual politics as in Switzerland. If carried out on the interest based system as recommended by the Sri Lankan Swarajya Movement, it will lead to a dynamic development unit.
It may be argued that the districts are too small to be viable units of devolved government. The argument does not hold. Switzerland, the most democratic and best governed country in the world, and extremely prosperous, has a population of only 7 million people.
Area and Population of Sri Lankan Districts and Swiss Cantons

Name Area
Sq. Km Population
thousands
Name Area
Sq. Km Population
thousands
1. Anuradhapura 7179 746,500 1. Graubunden 7,106 185,700
2. Moneragala 5,639 396,200 2. Bern 6,049 947,100
3. Kurunegala 4,816 1,452,400 3. Valais 5,226 278,000
4. Ampara 4,415 589,300 4. Vaud 3,219 626,200
5. Polonnaruwa 3,293 359,200 5. Ticino 2,811 311,900
6. Ratnapura 3,275 1,008,200 6. San Gallen 2,014 452,000
7. Puttalam 3,072 705,000 7. Zurich 1,729 1,228600
8. Badulla 2,861 774,600 8. Fribourg 1,670 239,100
9. Batticoloa 2,854 486,400 9. Lucerne 1,492 350,600
10. Trincomalee 2,727 340,200 10. Aargau 1,405 550,900
11. Mullativu 2,617 121,700 11. Uri 1,077 35,000
12. Hambantota 2,609 525,400 12. Thurgau 1,013 28,200
13. Kandy 1,917 1,272,500 13. Schwyz 908 131,400
14. Mannar 1,996 127,300 14. Jura 838 69,100
15. Matale 1,993 442,400 15. Neuchatel 797 166,500
16. Vavuniya 1,967 149,800 16. Solothurn 791 245,000
17. Nuwara Eliya 1,741 700,000 17. Glarus 685 38,300
18. Kegalle 1,693 779,800 18. Obwalden 491 32,700
19. Galle 1,652 990,500 19. Basel-Land 428 261,400
20. Kalutara 1,576 1,060,800 20. Schauffhausen 298 73,400
21. Gampaha 1,341 2,066,100 21. Geneva 282 414,300
22. Matara 1,283 761,000 22. Nidwalden 276 37,200
23. Kilinochchi 1,279 121,700 23. Appenzell Outer 243 53,200
24. Jaffna 929 490,000 24. Zug 239 100,900
25. Colombo 676 2,234,300 25. Appenzel Inner 172 15,000
26. Basel Stadt 37 186,700
65,610 18,732,300 41,296 7,252,000

Figures in 2001 Census. Estimated figures for Jaffna, Mannar, Vavuniya, Mullaitivu, Killnochchi, Sources: Information on Sri Lanka from the Department of Census and Statistics.
Information on Switzerland from the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (extracted from Statoids)

Extensive power is exercised there by 20 cantons and 6 half Cantons – self-governing on most matters affecting the everyday lives of people.

A devolved fiscal system and other features of governance
A powerful factor why the Cantonal system works well in Switzerland is that the Cantons are WELL FUNDED.
Out of the total revenues collected in Switzerland,
- 41% goes to the Cantons,
- 28 % goes to the communes (towns and villages) and
- 31% goes to the Central Government.
Restructuring governance cannot be dealt with in isolation. There will be large number of subjects which will have to be mapped out, discussed and tested.
These include matters relating to the electoral system. That is the practice of the Adult Franchise and the importance to elevate it to a “quality vote”.
There will be other issues such the relationship between the Centre and the periphery. There will also be several other matters which have to be looked at such as:
- the number of tiers
- the workings of the Village Councils, which are being today referred to as Panchiyati Raj or Gramarajya and the Pradeshiya Sabhas;
- how differences, if any, between different levels of authority are resolved;
- how differences among them on policy, if any, are resolved;
- the ways and basis of financing of the various political institutions;
- the powers of the judicial system at various levels of authority;
- the holding of referendums at various levels of authority and the concept of direct democracy. Then there may have to be a new delimitation of the units.
At the end of the day, Sri Lanka has to decide as to what its peripheral unit should be.
Should it be Province or a District?
I have juxtaposed our situation with the Swiss experience.
There the Canton is the peripheral Unit. The districts in Sri Lanka can if necessary be delimited to fit the borders of the Provinces demarcated on geographical criteria, taking the Watersheds and rivers into account as A.Denis Fernando and Professor Maddum Bandara have discussed in their writings. From the perspective of national politics, economics and national and social harmony and the unity and territorial integrity of the country, the district remains the superior Unit of Devolution as the cantons have proved in Switzerland.
The realization of a workable concept will depend on the people of the country internalizing the logic of its value. A suitable vocabulary and an adequate frame of reference, and a strong commitment to invent the instruments to implement a structure, is necessary. This will take time and cannot be achieved in a hurry.
In formulating the New Political Order, the country cannot afford to succumb to external pressures even from friends, like India. Sri Lanka alone will have to make that decision, shoulder its responsibilities and make the system work. It has to discuss it in the country and in Parliament and finally get it endorsed by a referendum.
(This is from a talk given by Arjuna Hulugalle titled “A proposal for sub-regional delineations and governance with reference to examples from abroad” at the sixty second annual sessions of the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement Science)