It was no surprise in any way to read that Mano Ganeshan, Colombo district MP, leader of the Democratic People’s Front (DPF), Chairman of the Civil Monitoring Committee (CMC) and the leader of the Democratic Workers’ Congress (DWC), as his e-mail signature reveals and my good friend in politics above all, has finally decided to back the former army commander and present Chief of Defence Staff, Sarath Fonseka. Wickramasinghe has himself acknowledged Fonseka as the “Common Candidate” of their newly formed United National Front (UNF). I personally have no grievance in any politician changing shades and positions, as they too grow wiser with age. But it is rather astounding and bewildering to see Ganeshan ‘age’ this fast and change positions, even faster.

It was only 18 days ago, Ganeshan said he would not be in the emerging political front, if Fonseka is decided upon as a “Common” candidate. He and his party did not want to have anything in “common” with Sarath Fonseka. “Democratic People’s Front leader Mano Ganeshan said today that his party would withdraw from the UNP-led alliance if the former Army Commander and current Chief of Defense Staff Gen. Sarath Fonseka was made the common candidate for the Presidential Election.” reported the DM on 21 October, 2009.

His position was made much more clearer in an e-mail statement issued from his office, that I believe was on news websites. This statement issued on 21 October, concluded by saying, “Tamil speaking people of this country do not have anything in common with General Fonseka, for him to be our common candidate.”

Having said so and quite bluntly too, Ganeshan was also a signatory, just 14 days later on 03 November at the parliamentary complex, for the latest Opposition front, the UNF, led by the UNP and its leader Ranil Wickramasinghe. Thereafter, more nights than days in Colombo, witnessed jockeying for the “common candidate” and the mellowing of Ganeshan’s stand against Fonseka. Media in SL claimed a representative of Fonseka had met with Ganeshan to iron out differences. Grown wiser by the day, Ganeshan freaked out of his earlier position to send Fonseka a questionnaire, in a sure attempt to compromise. Perhaps he knew the answers before he framed his questions.

He thus told Daily Mirror online that “he has submitted a questionnaire to a representative of Fonseka’s, which revolves around four main national issues. Ganeshan explained that he wishes to know the General’s stance of the issue of the IDP situation in the North, his political views on the ‘ethnic question’, his views on abolishing the current presidential system and his plan to tackle bribery and corruption. Ganeshan added that his party’s initial refusal to support Fonseka as a common candidate for the UNF was due to the fact that Ganeshan and his party had little knowledge of the Generals political experience.” [DM – 07 November, 2009]

Ganeshan’s excuse that he and his party did not know of “General’s political experience”, is perhaps too naked to be thrown public. It is common knowledge that a serving Army Officer can not have any political experience. Yet, if what he meant was General’s political outlook or vision, then it would have been better for Ganeshan to refer back to General Fonseka’s gem of an interview with the Canadian journal, “National Post” of 23 September, 2008, than send Fonseka a questionnaire.

That clear statement on unparalleled, uncompromising Sinhala hegemony, on how he expects the minorities to live in a Sinhala Buddhist majority nation, was never an isolated statement by Fonseka. As Army Commander, he had unrestricted permission from the Rajapaksa regime to make similar political statements to local and international media, in support of the ideology that was hyped for the escalation of the war. He was not only militarily heading the war against the LTTE for this Rajapaksa regime, but was also representing its Sinhala-Buddhist ideology, very openly.

That was plain enough for any common man to understand how a ruthless regime was brought forth in the name of “patriotism”. It was also plain enough for politicians like Ganeshan, handling “rights” issues, to understand how insecure the life was under that rule.

It was for such reasons that “Mano Ganeshan, the leader of (then) Western People’s Front(WPF) and Colombo district parliamentarian speaking to media said that he has decided to leave Sri Lanka, due to security reasons” [TamilNet 30 Dec, 2007]

Does Ganeshan and his party need any more knowledge on General Fonseka’s politics? Ganeshan should then read loud, his own submission to UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR), Louise Arbour, at the UN office in Colombo, on Thursday, 11 October, 2007, where he said, and very rightly then, [quote]
“Most of the sufferers are members of the Tamil community. We are faced with following brutal challenges to the right to our physical existences in this country;
Enforced Disappearances, Extra-judicial killings, Aerial and Artillery bombardments, Death due to torture in custody, Torture, Extortions, Enforced eviction from places of residences, Arbitrary arrests, Arrest and detention without proper legal process, Poor custodial prison conditions, Judicial process not being followed during arrests and detentions, Killings of over 35 humanitarian aid workers, Harassment of humanitarian aid workers, Displacement of persons over 300,000 internally and over one million externally, Forced and arbitrary resettlement of people, Curtailment of media freedom and Intimidation, Killings of Journalists…..”
[unquote - Mano Ganeshan, MP and Chairman, Civil Monitoring Committee]

That Fonseka can not change, merely because he has run into a personality clash with the “owners” of this regime, or because he is tipped as the most formidable candidate against his now jilted partner(s). Does Ganeshan think such a hard line racist position would and could change overnight, the way he became the leader of DPF, shunning the WPF ?

It seems, Ganeshan has got the answer he wanted from Fonseka for his questionnaire and 18 days after his blunt refusal to accept Fonseka as a “commoner” with the Tamil people, he tells Sunday Times, “We are supportive of a common candidate, even if it is Sarath Fonseka.” He thereafter tries to qualify that statement by saying, “We will publicly campaign to abolish the Executive Presidency, resettle IDPs, eliminate rampant corruption, and pledge to resolve problems of all communities. Earlier we took a different stance if Gen Fonseka was to be the common candidate, but if he agrees to the above we will accept him.” [08 October, 2009]

Ganeshan is apparently leaving his Tamil constituency now, or disregarding them, or insulting their already wounded dignity, or all of it. Why accept Fonseka now, whom he says has nothing in common with the Tamil people and accused of waging a brutal war, of ruthlessly violating rights and committed crimes against Tamil people ? Ganeshan campaigned against Fonseka’s war, made representations to the UNHCHR and refused to accept Fonseka as a presidential common candidate. How did Fonseka become the ideal democratic candidate against Rajapaksa now ?

The only reason that Ganeshan has so far spelled out is, Fonseka is expected to lead their campaign for the “abolishing of the Executive Presidency, resettle IDPs, eliminate rampant corruption” while giving a “pledge to resolve problems of all communities.”

But my question is, can not Wickramasinghe, as the leader of the UNF lead a campaign to abolish the executive presidency ? Can not Wickramasinghe resettle IDPs if voted to power ? Can not Wickramasinghe eliminate rampant corruption in a UNF government ? Can not Wickramasinghe resolve problems of all communities ? Is Fonseka the only person capable of doing all that, sans any political experience ? Or else, why is Fonseka canvassed as a “common” presidential candidate ?

None of it, for sure and Ganeshan is no political babe, not to know the reason. It is once again, plain Sinhala hegemony in establishing a government, which is the only reason to pin faith on Fonseka, the war hero. Fonseka is the only peg on which the major Sinhala opposition could hang the JVP for its Sinhala vote base. If the JVP swings in too, it is Fonseka who could best challenge Rajapaksa on a pure Sinhala platform and all other talk, are mere fancy rhetoric.

In this Sri Lankan society, dominated by Sinhala Buddhist ideology for which Fonseka stands, the Executive Presidency is the most ideal power tool created and left by late JRJ for the Sinhala majority rule. Any power sharing compromised to the provinces can be reigned in once again to the “Centre” by this Executive Power, as proved with the implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. As with every other times before, the call to abolish it would only ring loud during elections and not thereafter. Thereafter, it would be a Sinhala Buddhist who would hold that power for the Sinhala Buddhists.

Fonseka is no different. What ever the UNF says during its campaign, they would avoid all talk on human rights violations, on accusations about heavy civilian casualties during war, on accusations levelled with war crimes and about establishing a ruthless regime through the war that Fonseka personally led, which he would glorify to his credit.

Thus Fonseka would be absolved of all crimes he was thus far accused of by those like Ganeshan. With such Sinhala ideology once again justified, from a man who never knew what democratic politics is, and never wanted to accept that in a nation State which is diverse and plural, minorities too have equal share in living a democratic life, there is no guarantee what so ever, the promises on campaign platforms would be abided with, as Ganeshan claims, or wants others to believe.

A Sinhala platform once again created as for Rajapaksa in 2005 November, this time for General Fonseka, would only rally Sinhala patriotic forces and it is them, Fonseka would first satisfy and be loyal to. It would thus be too late then for Ganeshan to say he was betrayed, for he had by then betrayed not only the Tamil people, but all democratic forces too. Unfortunately for Ganeshan, he too seems to want power, not on a political programme, but power like any other Tamil leader aspired for, in all past governments.

I would therefore bid good bye, wishing Ganeshan all the luck, that Rajapaksa would eventually fall short of the 50% he needs, a tough chance though.

• A response to Mano Ganeshan: Beyond engaging the ‘Sarath Fonseka worshipers’ Once in a way, in this sad little Republic as Mano Ganeshan aptly calls Sri Lanka, there happens discussions, worth following up on. So thank you Mano, for following up on my previous article to respond positively and I take it from you to develop this discussion further, leaving space for you especially and any... Kusal Perera, November 12, 2009
• Presidential hopefuls and escape-routes for the ‘hopeless’ The buzz in political circles these days is the possibility of there being a ‘common candidate’ (CC) to challenge President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s bid for a second term in the event that a Presidential Election is called before he completes his term, most likely in January 2010.  Among the names thrown around for the CC post... Malinda Seneviratne, October 27, 2009