All elections are important and these will be no exception. It is worth reminding that we are still in a post-war situation and far from the post-conflict one we ought to be in. What this requires is the prioritization of peace, reconciliation and unity and the firm commitment to ensure that the causes of ethnic conflict are not reproduced and sustained.  This means at least the rights of the IDPs as the litmus test for all else, a political settlement of the conflict and a reversal of the culture of impunity in respect of human rights along with facing up to the questions of whether there can be unity without reconciliation and reconciliation without accountability.  This is not all.  There are serious questions to be considered on the economic front with regard to employment and indebtedness – the real consequences of the fate of GSP Plus and the IMF loan – and most importantly in light of recent demonstrations, the ability of the system of education to meet the requirements of the economy.  And given Angulana, what happened to Nipuna Ratnayake and the Bambalapitiya drowning, the overarching issues of the Rule of Law, the supremacy of Constitution and the intentional violation of the Seventeenth Amendment.

Constitutional reform, at least in terms of the abolition or reform of the executive presidency will be on the agenda, as a consequence not so much of the requirements of governance but the emerging imperatives of regime survival and stability.  There is the danger that on this score, what is in store is the abolition of the form and title of the executive presidency with the transfer of its substantive powers to an “executive prime minister”.   The electoral system too, could be up for debate with the virtues of the ‘first-past –the post’ system and constituency MPs being eulogized to discredit proportional representation.

There is a crying need for a national debate on the future of the country and the issues on which the next presidential and general elections are to be fought.  The challenges ahead are far too serious to treat these elections merely as opportunities to register electoral approval, appreciation, admiration and gratitude for the defeat of the LTTE.  There has to be a tomorrow and a time when the war is truly behind us.  We need a plan to move towards that time and in order to design one, as many of us as willing and able must be part of that process.  An agenda for change and reform is critically needed and it will not come from the politicians who are trapped in fighting yesterday’s battles.

The island wide debate, discussion or conversation on change and reform is a vital and integral part of this.  Where however, through or on what medium or channel or site can it be conducted?

The obvious answer is the mainstream print and electronic media.  For a variety of reasons, very real and crucial constraints ranging from official displeasure, threat and sanction to self censorship, ideological disposition, market demands and problems of professionalism, the robust exchange of ideas called for will not happen here and not beyond the efforts of a persistent few, as required.  Moreover, since it is an exchange of ideas – a discussion, debate or conversation- that is called for, many voices need to he heard.  This is not about letters to the editor, about comment and observation alone but about participation and engagement with passion and conviction about the Sri Lanka of the future, we desire and deserve.

Citizens’ journalism and given its record as a forum for quality debate, Groundviews is ideally positioned to make a major contribution to this exercise in national rejuvenation and renaissance.  Is it not possible in the lead up to the elections that citizens use Groundviews to canvass their ideas for constitutional reform, governance, human rights and the economy and whatever else they see as constituting essential elements of an agenda for change and reform? The exchange could, but need not be time bound. As in the nature of a conversation it should be ongoing and active.

This would be a convincing demonstration of the strength and value of citizens’ journalism and its substantial utility in empowerment for peace, governance and human rights – An enabling facility for a functioning democracy.

• Abolition or reform of Executive Presidency in Sri Lanka?
• In conversation with Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
• 1,000 posts on Groundviews: Bearing witness, shaping peace
• Strange proposals and broken promises: Constitutional reform in Sri Lanka
• Strengthening democracy in Sri Lanka: An open invitation to generate fresh ideas

It was Velupillai Prabhakaran the late Tamil Tiger leader who once said the Sinhala people have only a short memory. Perhaps it is so and it seems quite in order at this elections, where the war against the Tamil Tigers with Prabhakaran projected as the icon of “terrorism” was turned into a glorifying victorious vote puller.

While the war was being waged with only State witnesses to the battle allowed to get on the dock, the Rajapaksa regime started screwing the opposition with provincial council elections, beginning with the bifurcated Eastern province in 2008 May. The going was good for the Rajapaksas, with the main opposition UNP stuck with a fear psychosis of loosing Sinhala votes, but unable to compete with the ruling UPFA headed by the Rajapaksas to be the owners of the Sinhala psyche. The JVP was also left in a dilemma, the Rajapaksas stealing their shares of the war and leaving them with no clear path to campaign at elections.

The ruling UPFA that began with a 55.3% and 56.4% vote popularity in Sabaragamuwa and NCP respectively when elections were held in August 2008 and the war was being hyped as a winning war, moved to 59.5% and 69.4% in Central and NWP (Wayamba) when elections were held in February 2009, after the military moved into Kilinochchi on January 02^nd and the capture of Paranthan and Elephant pass. The decline of the UNP was evident without any clear idea as to how they should position themselves against the war and the JVP was drained out of their patriotism with 4.9% reduced to a meagre 2.1%.

Rajapaksas kept Uva and Southern Province elections till the last, on the premise that Uva and South would play as their bastion in elections. The early August 2009 Uva PC elections held in less than a month after the war was declared over and the LTTE accepted as decimated, left the main opposition UNP and the JVP flabbergasted. The Rajapaksas, projecting their family image through Sasheendra Rajapaksa as the would be Chief Minister, rode home with a stunning 74.6% and in Moneragala district where young Rajapaksa contested, the popular vote was unbelievably high as 81.3%, reminding one of the old Soviet day elections in Russia.

The UNP reeking with internal squabbles, defeats at every PC elections and with no idea as to how they should face the Rajapaksa steam roller, slumped to a pauperish 21%. Meanwhile the JVP, which avoided “talk the war” and took the Rajapaksas on high handed corruption and an economy that was going haywire, managed to improve, gaining 4.2% this time.

The indications were clear. Within one month and with all the hype of a glorious war victory that was wholly accrued with the Rajapaksa brothers leaving even the Army Commander Fonseka out, the Uva Sinhala majority paid their gratitude as asked for with a resounding 74% and the young Rajapaksa made Chief Minister. Yet with economic hardships snaking out of the ant hill, the JVP got credited with an improved per centage. The UNP that was neither here nor there, could not gain anything from any platform and thus declined further.

The Southern PC election was thus brought in to crown their glory, but 04 months and 20 days after the war was declared won, it wasn’t turning out that easy and that popular. That was too long a period for the Sinhala South to hold on to the memory of a war victory. Human societies perhaps can not live in the past. They have to move on. They would, or they probably would keep a margin for past achievements, if that pays enough for the future. What has the war victory provided for the Sinhala South ?

Despite a massive war victory exhibition held at the BMICH that was given prime time publicity by not only State media channels but by some private channels as well and the whole of the media still made to go hard and bang with glorifying the war victory, the people who live on the ground still has not received any “peace dividend”. Not even the peace in moving about, with the same high security barriers clamped every where.

Worst was, the election campaign in the South brought home for the first time an avalanche of security boulders that wasn’t there even during the war. With high profile ministers and other personalities including some UPFA candidates going round electoral districts, every kerb and corner of villages and towns were plastered with security personnel. Those who came to buy their grocery, the 3wheeler that went for refuelling, the youth who stayed at bus stands going or coming from school or afternoon classes were all treated as “possible” security threats and checked, when the President was on a special campaign trail in Sooriyaweva in Hambantota.

Previously projected Southern PC election scenario against the Results

All election data source – Election department website

I for one, did not take all that as factors that could play negative on the ruling UPFA, especially with all the State resources, power play, media blitzkriegs and the mega cabinet, all taking the South by almost force. Deducting a reasonable percentage for the economic fall, projections showed, the UPFA would not do as well as in Uva, but would still hover close to 70% in the province, starting with 65% in Galle, and improving through Matara with 70% and doing the best in Hambantota with 72% as it is after all the birth place of both the war heroes and the modern day public monarch. That was based on the assumption that Rajapaksa’s performance at his 2005 presidential elections at 63.3%, would improve with the war victory, though not to the extent of the most poor and ignorant district Moneragala.

Voting in the South nevertheless point in a different direction. With all the fire power used in Hambantota, with numerous projects earmarked as “development” of Hambantota, people had not been convinced enough to vote for the UPFA in Hambantota the best, even in the presence of President Rajapaksa, coming at the bottom of the popular list with only 66.9%. Galle did the best again with a 68.3% vote, while Matara came in between with 67.9%. The government could not come any where near their targeted 75 – 80%. The war glamour and its hope of a more promising future as projected by the Rajapaksa regime and its media have not been taken by the people as true or possible under this regime.

The vote gained by the JVP, considered the underdog or the “nonentity” with the war victory totally hijacked by the Rajapaksas, proved their campaign on economic issues, was what the people understood best. They have improved tremendously with 5.5% in Matara and over 11% in Hambantota, where they were bashed and bumped.

The failure of the Rajapaksa regime in delivering any substantial hope for the economic life of the people is evident in how it plays up over their war victory hype at this Southern elections. There is apparently a drop in consumer buying by about 20% which speaks of a reducing buying power in semi urbanised South, than in the peasant Moneragala. But would it remain outside rural life ?

Clearly the war frenzy can not be hyped beyond what it was hyped to. On the war front, the Rajapaksas can not show anything more bigger and more glorious than this defeat of the LTTE and the death of Prabhakaran. Four months and 3 weeks gone and with nothing else seen down the line for a fair living, the government is now being challenged on its economic performance.

The inability of the Rajapaksa regime to even plan on how they would get their money to spend on the estimated expenses, became quite evident before the close of elections, when the government had to announce they would only have a 04 month “vote on account” expenditure plan presented to parliament instead of the usual 2010 budget, without any indication as to how the revenue would be planned and budgeted. What ever the government’s argument is on such escapism and the next parliament that would have to be elected by April this year, the fact remains this government which argues it would continue with more elected power, is unable to put forward its development plan with a budget for 2010.

Can it then survive another few months with high security, threats on opposition voices and media hype on the war victory alone, to win another election? Within an economy that is fast crumbling and the people willing to forget the war to focus on their day to day living, the Rajapaksa strategy seems to be giving way to more opposition.

The brutal campaign against the JVP in Hambantota gave it a new life with 11% votes. Everywhere in this region, extreme repression has given way to more opposition and more stronger voices. It happened during the 30 year war when the LTTE grew with every repressive measure adopted by successive governments that had no answers for the conflict. It is happening in Afghanistan, in the N-E provinces in India and in places like Jammu & Kashmir, Chattisgarh and Lalgarh, in the absence of answers for the conflicts and core issues of their societies.

Here the Rajapaksa regime is also slipping into a similar relapse, after a short, freak popularity. Here the Rajapaksa regime is being rejected by the same people who came on the streets 04 months and 03 weeks ago to crown them as glorious victors. There could be only one other option for this regime now. Go for a quicker elections before it could be too late. One they could still manipulate, when the popularity is a waning 60% plus for now. Unfortunately for them, the fall seems far worse if delayed than Humpty’s fall, with no king’s soldiers any more to put them together.

• The Right NOT to Vote
• Outcome of presidential elections in Sri Lanka: Is there anything to analyse?
• Blinkered vision of Tamil nationalists and socialists is self-defeating
• In defense of the JVP campaign to support Sarath Fonseka
• Surveys with conflicting outcomes

Shop Man

“Where is the hope?” is a question that the writer encountered quite a few times when she asked people to pose with the HOPE board. The culture of impunity prevalent in post-war Sri Lanka paints a rather depressing picture of a country that has lost the ability to hope. Human rights continue to be violated, there is an upsurge in criminal activity, media freedom is severely restricted and nationalist rhetoric continues to be the theme of those in the highest echelons of power. Hope has been replaced with a sense of hopelessness and apathy that has gripped society. In order for positive change to take place the nation needs to regain their ability to believe in the power of hope.

The Hope board was influenced by the statement of St. Paul in Romans, when he says “hope that is seen is not hope. For who hopes for what he already sees. But if we hope for what we do not see, with perseverance we wait eagerly for it”. In essence hope is not about seeing life as it is but as it should be, and then taking up the challenge to work towards making the image a reality.

Pedlar Street Inn, Galle

As the HOPE board traveled and continues to travel from hand to hand and from place to place, it has come across people from diverse backgrounds with different ideas about what the future holds for them. Each of them is symbolic of Sri Lanka’s elusive search for hope.Sri Lanka is at a point where society at large needs that assurance that better times are ahead, be you Sinhalese or Tamil, Muslim or Burgher. It is time for the country as a whole to renounce the widespread culture of violence and start focusing on being change agents. The Chinese writer, Lin Yutang draws an intuitive image of hope when he says “Hope is like a road in the country; there was never a road, but when many people walk on it, the road comes into existence.”

Netball Team

Man on the end of rampart

At the Magistrate's Court

• Capturing HOPE in Sri Lanka through photography
• Scent of the Lotus Pond: Censoring art or protecting culture?
• Colombo goes under water, and not for the first time
• Multiculturalism? Hmm . . .
• Messiah

2008 saw the second festival at Galle, “Let’s Play with Words.” Those present the previous year remarked that it was more varied and incorporated more Sri Lankan authors, both local and expatriate. Implicit in the title, of course, is the understanding that the focus is on creative literature in English, not French, Sinhala, Tamil or pidgin. Implicit in the title, of course, is the understanding that the focus is on creative literature in English, not French, Sinhala, Tamil or pidgin. Equally implicit, is the bracketing out of social science productions in English or other languages (that “heavy stuff,” you know).

Two blokes remarked that the whole affair was “colonial.” Yes, there was a distinct whiff of the colonial with the lucid British accents of Simon Winchester, Alexander McCall Smith, William Dalrymple and Simon Mitchell punctuating so many sessions. This was further underlined by the shining bald pates sported (unavoidably) by some of those named above; but, above all, by the trilby hat adorning the large figure of McCall-Smith as he loomed above most other people.

But to underline this motif too strongly is to focus on the veneer or on just one dimension of a multi-faceted affair. Paradoxically, the two blokes who raised this thought were both foreigners. One was John Mateer, a poet and a South African domiciled in Australia, a person whose journeys to Sumatra and Japan and explorations among subaltern poetry in several languages other than his own have been directed by a desire to transcend his own subjectivity in radical and productive ways. The other was none other than Brian Keegan, a journalist who was a hostage of radical Muslims for five years in Lebanon. Having survived this ordeal Keegan went on to become a travel writer. But he brought to the GLF also his life experience in Belfast and a background in northern Irish politics that remains pertinent to the Sri Lankan scene. Both Mateer and Keegan, clearly, are not from the “colonial drawer.”

These are indicators that the WHO of personnel counts, not whether they are Brits, Eskimos or indigenous. Michael Meyler, tall and gangly, may look a “Westerner,” but he has kind-of “gone native,” speaks Sinhalese and has just finished a book on Sri Lankan English. So he shared the stage with another naturalized Brit, Richard Boyle, whose work on Robert Knox and contributions to the Oxford Dictionary complemented Meyler under knowledgeable guidance from Winchester.

Again, a journalist such as Julian West, who has covered the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka, is hardly “colonial” in experience, disposition or, for that matter, in her appearance. Likewise, the several Indian and Pakistani literati, Vikram Seth, Kamila Shamsie and Vikrom Mathur for instance, can hardly be viewed as colonial. And then we had our very own expatriates, Nury Vittachi, Shyam Selvadurai, Karen Roberts, Channa Wickremesekera, Randy Boyagoda, et cetera.

The ultimate test, however, is content. Thus, both personnel and content combined to insert a political edge to several topics. There surely are few migrant Indians and Sri Lankans in the West who are unaware of the ethnic dimensions of life and politics. Wickremesekera is not only a novelist; he is historian who is deeply engaged in contemporary reconciliatory politics relating to Sri Lanka among the migrants in Melbourne. A panel on Bloggers was as novel as pertinent and could not but be political with Deepika Shetty (an Indian based in Singapore) and Sanjana Hattotuwa on board; while young Iresha Dilhani from near Anuradhapura provided a link to the grass roots Sinhala-speaking world.

Again, Living with Conflict, The Edge of Prejudice and Can Language Provide A Bridge to Peace? were all explicitly political topics. The latter was consciously scheduled for the final morning and featured five local heavyweights: Neloufer De Mel, Sanjana Hattotuwa, P. Saravanamuttu, Jean Arasanayagam and Rajiva Wijesinghe, all moderated capably by Rama Mani. This session was followed by the final one devoted to the topic The Nature of the American Empire featuring that caustic critic of USA, Gore Vidal, in conversation with Simon Winchester. This session ‘played’ to a packed house. Winchester’s voice may have been quintessential “British colonial,” but his stance was trenchant anti-colonial. In penetrating clarity his opening lines reminded Vidal and all of us that Britain had secretively, indeed, hideously, removed some 2000 odd Maldivian islanders so that the atolls we identify today as Diego Garcia could be turned into a military outpost of the hegemonic American order of contemporary times. It was a pity that this stark prompt was not sustained by the sound system, Vidal’s diction and his penchant for one-line sound bites in what was a performative TV-cum-rap gamesmanship. I slipped out after ten minutes of that nonsense. Lesson here: organisers frame the topics, but they cannot dispose content, even from those famous.

Let me stress, too, that the GLF provided a rich diversity of topics. There was a wide range of literary topics, both specific (e. g. Funny Boy with Selvadurai) and thematic (Fact of Fiction? involving creative writers and journalists). Among the themes addressed were detective writing, travel tales, poetry issues, Lanka’s female pioneers in creative writing, climate change and the publishing world (with real publishers on stage). Likewise, there was attention to the history and architecture of the Galle Fort and a tour of the south directed towards comprehending the architectural heritage carved out by two of Lanka’s greatest, namely, Geoffrey Bawa and Valentine Gunesekara. There even was an excursion into the esoteric field of cricket, where, alas, the panelists and moderator, one Michael Roberts, did not, according to one perceptive assessor within the audience, devote enough weight to the colonial and anti-colonial roots of the game. There were also ‘extra-curricular’ events galore in the evenings, besides numerous book launches squeezed in at various times.

Importantly, there were also creative writing workshops moderated by Selvadurai and Nazreen Sansoni on the Thursday; while the week-end saw a range of exciting Childrens’ Programmes (each open to 100 children on a first come, first in basis). To name a few as illustrations of potential value from the latter programme: drawing led by Barbara Sansoni, landscape and life led by Susan Elderkin, entertainment via “Beastly Tales’ led by Vikram Seth and a consideration of the idea that “Reading is Fun” led by Karen Roberts. I happened to bang into Karen R immediately after her session. She had divided the group into those who said they liked to read and those who expressed distaste for that form of recreation. She had then got them to explain their reasons and to argue their positions in debate, thereby enforcing self-reflexivity. This must surely have been interactive learning at its best. It will only be after a decade or so whether we discover whether these workshops have inspired a few children to develop their creative skills to the point where they become our new generation of creative artists/writers.

The Opening Ceremony also featured a young lad from Mahinda who had won the competition for the Best Essay. He read the essay out for our benefit. An intense lad, he was an evangelist of sorts; he even desired a ban on smoking and alcohol. I doubt whether he will convert the GLF or its hoteliers on the latter score. But that said, these various outreach programmes were probably the most important aspects of the whole GFH. It is remarkable that they have drawn little comment or accolades.

Invariably, in any one year a literary festival cannot be comprehensive: the whole gamut of possibilities cannot be covered. However, after the event I suggested to the organisers that they should devote space to the cross-fertilisation between the English language and the local languages Sinhala and Tamil; and that this theme should specifically attend to the careers and impact of Martin Wickremasinghe, E. F. C. Ludowyk and E. R. Sarachchandra, all hailing from the Galle District and thus providing a nuance on locality with the same ‘twist’ as the attention devoted to the Fort of Galle. Note that the collaboration between Ludowyk and Sarachchandra was principally in drama and occurred at Peradeniya University in particular — where a teacher from St. Aloysius in Galle, Benedict Sirimanne, performed the lead role in the original Manamei with considerable panache. In such personnel as Sarath Amunugama, Tissa Abeysekera, Neloufer de Mel, Asoka de Zoysa, Jayadeva Uyangoda and Nuhman, among a host of others the island has the resources to pursue such issues in depth.

The organisers were highly receptive to this thought so the authors of a critical newspaper review that pointed to English translations of Sinhala texts by Rangini Obeyesekere and Lily de Silva as part of a critique need not worry about the future. While their point was well-taken, as a review it seemed one-sided. It generated just a whiff of nativism with a touch of Xenophobia. In the present context of political chauvinism such tendencies have dangerous ramifications beyond the control of their authors.

Again, it should be obvious that no literary festival can be comprehensive in its coverage. Each annual cluster of topics must be interpreted as a cumulative process, building on previous work and leading to shifting dimensions. Indeed, having remarked on the great variety displayed by GLF 2008 –“Let’s Play with Words” I note that such diversity has its downside. For one, some panels had too many personnel: 4-5 people onstage in a one-hour sessions tended to submerge one or two; or leave little time for questions from the floor. For another, one could mount an argument for prioritizing one or two topics (as distinct from star-personnel) and having several sessions on the same theme with the same persons on stage, but subject to the remarks of a discussant during session two where they would be put through the grill – gently of course – so that the audience has a sharp debate as a platform for their further interventions. Thus, an evening session on Day 2 and a morning gathering on day three devoted to Topic X will permit highly considered, and layered, discussions of a core issue. In brief, a few in-depth “studies” could be inserted within the spread pattern adopted in 2008. Some topics/panels could even be deliberately interlocked by judicious deployment of personnel. Inevitably, this format would reduce the number of topics engaged: it is a tale of swings and roundabouts.

It is in the spirit of constructive building and adaptation that these thoughts are voiced, not as carping criticism. While there have been several accolades in the local newspapers, the “usual suspects,” the slash and burn critics who have firesticks embedded in their mouth, indulged in their caustic outpourings. Plus ca change, plus c’est la meme chose.

No festival can take place without money, sponsors and organisers. Some organisers of the GLF, from Dobbs, to Southwell to Barefoot, may derive spin-offs to their trade from such an event; but it is from a passion for literature and a genuine love for the south and Lanka that they have invested enormous amounts of time on this project. So there is enlightened self-interest and passion inspiring their productive work. Likewise, such “platinum sponsors” as the SL Tourism and Sri Lankan Airlines would have seen commercial advantage through the exposure they received in return for cash or discount support. But perhaps the greatest beneficiaries will be book publishing houses, local as well as foreign. Yet, they remained, as ever, notoriously scrooge-like in their monetary support, or lack thereof. This fact indicates that enlightened self-interest is not a generalised attribute. So, in my own little play with words, I conclude with a bouquet of jasmine for all those who MADE the event.

This is a companion piece to my previous review, one less personal, more focused on essentials and yet partisan.

• In conversation with Vivimarie Vanderpoorten
• Justice Our Way
• War Disguised in Peace Clothing
• OBSERVATIONS: INDEPENDENCE
• A Snooty English Speaker’s reply

The panel consisted of Professor Neloufer De Mel, of the English Department of the University of Colombo, who has researched widely on the subject of language and integration, Paikyasothi Saravanamuttu and his protégé Sanjana Hattotuwa from the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), writer Jean Arasanayagam and Rajiva Wijesinha, head of the Secretariat for the Coordination of the Peace Process (SCOPP). The panel was moderated by Dr. Rama Mani, head of the International Centre for Ethnic Studies who was accurately described as ‘delicious’ by Ashok Ferrey. Despite her obvious learning in the topic for discussion, Dr. Mani was unfortunately made to play the role of boxing referee towards the end of the session as it disintegrated into a very civil exchange of barbs.

The discussion began with a spiel from Jean Arasanayagam, who was seemingly the only direct victim of the current conflict. She has written extensively of her unfortunate experiences during and post 1983 and seemed in the best position to give us an insight into the trauma of those times. The introductory messages were ones of language as a tool of communication and generally trod a fairly non-confrontational path, despite Arasanayagam’s animated conviction.

Rajiva Wijesinha though, in his attempt to outline the history of the Sri Lankan conflict harked back to 1943 as a starting point, when JR Jayawardena introduced a bill to make the medium of instruction in schools, Sinhala. He glossed over the fact that the bill was later amended to include Sinhala and Tamil at the insistence of parliament. What is startling though, is his complete, and possibly convenient, disregard of the State led discrimination which happened in 1956 with the ‘Sinhala only’ saga, thereby alienating a more than significant part of the Sri Lankan populace. Unbiased commentators would perhaps rate this incident far higher in the political faux pas stakes than 1943, especially given the riots that took place soon after. There were no ethnic riots in between 1943 – 1956. Wijesinha did however, con us into believing that he had a sense of perspective on linguistic/ethnic tensions, and endorsed the very practical idea of teaching policemen Tamil. Given that understanding of each other’s language is the first step to understanding each other – this effort is laudable indeed. However, he did admit that a follow up on the initiative had not yielded the proper results, as the policemen in question were still busily learning the Tamil alphabet. Tamil Sri Lankans have always complained of intimidation bordering on harassment at checkpoints, a nuisance that the rest of us have learned merely to tolerate. For Tamil Sri Lankans this is not merely a nuisance but a several times a day ordeal. It is commendable indeed that the Peace Secretary has realised that the Rajapakse regime is perpetuating the abstract violence originally meted out by SWRD Bandaranaike, and is doing something proactive to try and ‘arrest’ the situation. It is this appearance of apparent bona fides that leads me to believe Wijesinha is equipped with the levels of comprehension that the administration he remains an apologist for, does not possess. However, as the events of the morning showed, these bona fides are quickly forgotten.

The constitutional framework of Sri Lanka as it currently is allows for all communities to be eased. The stubborn refusal to implement these constitutional safeguards by successive governments has been a cause for concern. The constitution provides that Sinhala and Tamil shall be the official languages with English being the link language. Wijesinha – to be fair to him – seems to be taking the pains to ensure English is once again taught within the government education system. Due to lack of resources mainly in teaching expertise, it is difficult to imagine this being a countrywide project in the immediate future. We were informed though that several thousand schools had already been provided with English teaching facilities. Whether English can be taught to the levels that De Mel wants them to reach is not the priority at this time. Instead we must ensure that communities can communicate with each other and have the tools with which to do that. It was a common consensus among the group that English was the way forward as opposed to one of the more identifiable languages of Sinhala or Tamil. Rooting for one language will automatically alienate the other and it seems commonsensical that English be the chosen medium. The initiative to teach English more proactively, rather than just as another subject must be applauded and supported. Whether the state will do that is another question altogether. The current situation states that they have other priorities.

The CPA representatives, in response to Dr. Mani’s opening, agreed that conventional media is still the most powerful medium. Newspapers, radio and television are still influential shapers of opinion. As Hattotuwa observed, the CPA as an advocacy organisation needs to use alternative media while at the same time not ignoring the conventional ones. It is the Sinhala papers and state run media that carry the message of war mongering to the people of the South, and it is time that those evangelists of peace stopped preaching to the converted and took their gospel to the dark regions of rural, uneducated, prejudiced Sri Lanka, which, by some cruel twist of a colonial experiment, exercises a majority of the country’s democratic franchise. Despite the fact that Galle is in the South, the Literary Festival doesn’t exactly count as a tour of duty for the peace missionary. Whether it is through partner organisations or foreign funds, the CPA must ensure that its message of awareness is spread with the same alacrity that the Goebbelsian propaganda of the government.

Neloufer De Mel, quoted once again from one Homi Bhaba, one writer whom I stubbornly refused to read before dropping out of university – “To understand a language is to assume a culture”. She (and Bhaba) is right. Speaking someone’s language breaks down the barriers of the ‘the other’, and it is a step towards sharing a culture. However, her intention towards the full integration of language in a wonderful hybrid society is unrealistic. While she is able to understand the necessity for functional English, she is unable to reconcile the functional knowledge of another language as being a step towards peace. While the ability to be a ‘native speaker’ in more than one language is an admirable goal, it is necessary to acknowledge that it is a goal sorely out of reach of the vast majority. While teaching Tamil to policemen at checkpoints may not be ideal for Professor De Mel, it is practical and definitely an improvement on the status quo. It is necessary to strive towards greater levels of understanding between communities, but it would be futile to refuse to begin a long journey because the first step seems insignificant. Wijesinha and De Mel were clearly at odds on the need for functional language skills, and the difficulty these two highly acclaimed academics had in reaching compromise does not augur well with regard to the ability of the man on the street to find some commonality with a stranger whom he does not agree with. This country has hardly ever been united, with a tiny land mass being home to several communities and kingdoms simultaneously. The one ruler in the north, one in the south scenario is not a new one. So to expect each culture to wholly embrace the other is nothing more than a pipe dream. The goals have to be realistic in order to be achieved. As it stands, it would seem that coexistence, rather than complete integration is the need of the hour.

Indeed, this fact was apparent when Jean Arasanayagam reacted quite strongly to the jargon that had been used by her fellow panellists. She condemned the use of the word ‘other’ and said it made her feel marginalised. This coming from a writer of the English language was disturbing as it showed a defensive reaction to labelling, however accurate or non-discriminatory. If this is the reaction of a senior literary figure what hope does the common man have? It is time the peace propaganda spoke to the people in a language they understand. The CPA had always taken up the position that this is not their brief. However, what is the point of their advocacy if it is confined to posturing politicians and the mutually reliant NGO community. Implementation is to policy what eating is to the pudding.

Wijesinha continued his meanderings something along the lines of – and this is paraphrased – ‘all these foreigners have lots of money to give Sara, (Saravanamuttu), but they won’t give poor me any money to teach policemen Tamil’. Perhaps the man – to whom I previously attributed some comprehension – should understand that as a government appointed official, he represents a xenophobic institution that has a horrendous human rights record, and has a history of telling NGO’s to ‘go away’ for no apparent reason. Then, he has the gall to accuse the hand that his government is busily biting, of not funding his pretty policies. Perhaps, as someone suggested, he should ask his employer, i.e. – His Excellency the President, why some of the revenue generated by the plethora of new taxes introduced by the last budget are not sent SCOPP’s way to teach the poor policemen Tamil for crying out loud. But nay, said the Peace Secretary – for any of that to happen this government must first, ‘defeat terrorism’.

War is, after all, a legitimate means of achieving peace.

It is unfortunate to note that some (not all) of the panellists tended to react quite adversely to criticism, or the presentation of alternative points of view. The resemblance to the Rajapakse maxim of ‘eliminate all opposers’, was apparent. This is indeed a cause of much regret coming from those who are not politicians. Educated people, with a heightened sense of awareness must a set an example for the better…not for the worse. The ability to display discipline and decorum and respect for another point of view and another individual is the key to peace. Little of this was displayed that Sunday morning. No wonder the peace process is being scoppered (sic).

• Justice Our Way
• Language Barriers
• Perspectives on Peace and Culture
• B is for balls (and bowls)
• Just imagine

Nearly three years have passed since the devastation of Boxing Day 2004. Those three years should have sufficed for grief to transform into resolve, for shock to become measured response and for altruism to become tangible benefit. It is impossible to quantify, despite the diverse and often varied reports available, how much has been done, and by whom. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile considering the societal impact that non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international non-governmental organisations (INGOs), and the good and/or evil that has been precipitated by their presence.

The aftermath of the tsunami saw a global outpouring of shock and dollars. The amount of tourists and expatriates affected in the South Asian region saw the world unite in its reaction to one of the worst natural disasters in mankind’s history. South Asia, and specifically Sri Lanka was flooded with aid from various donors. Well meaning individuals sacrificed their beer money and larger organisations mobilised their vast resources – both human and financial – to assist the recovery process. Despite the swiftness of the disaster itself, the repair of damage caused in little over half an hour, has been sluggish. To say the least. The immediate cries for help from the entire region were almost too well received. A horde of (sometimes inappropriate) items found themselves into the country as aid. Money was being transferred feverishly to accounts belonging to individuals, companies and charity organisations. The Tsunami Evaluation Coalition (TEC) report under the patronage of Bill Clinton, suggests that Sri Lanka was over-aided in the allocations made to affected countries. Consequently, Sri Lanka should necessarily be the best and most efficiently reconstructed country.

The government stepped in – as they do – to take charge of the situation. The President immediately set up TAFREN (Task Force for Rebuilding the Nation), the Task For for Relief (TAFOR) and the Transitional Accommodation Project (TAP). All the catchy acronyms were succeeded by RADA (Reconstruction and Development Agency). By all accounts TAFREN was staffed by some of the sharper tools in the shed and actually came up with a workable plan to rebuild the coastline from Jaffna to Kalutara. RADA was also staffed by younger, qualified technocrats. Much money it seems, was spent in setting up these bodies but the tangible work carried out by them leaves room for improvement.

That improvement however, is unlikely to be seen. In researching this piece it was attempted to access the information available on the TAFREN and RADA websites. Much like the organisations themselves, the websites too have died a slow bureaucratic death having been strangled by a red tape. As such, information about their work either past or present is not available to the public. Both TAFREN and RADA reached the bill stage in parliament. Strangely though, neither were ever passed. It would seem that a national need of this nature would urge legislators to ensure that projects of this nature were provided for. However, the necessary approvals never came. Instead an act to establish the National Disaster Management Council was established as the was the Tsunami Act to streamline the documentation process for those who had lost their legal documents.

According to a report published at this time last year by the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and its Development Partners, the estimated damage in terms of loss of human life stood at 35,322 with 21,441 people injured. The report estimates 100,000 houses destroyed. Furthermore, over half a million people were displaced while 150,000 persons lost their livelihoods. These are official figures. While human life cannot be monetarily replaced the houses and livelihoods were the immediate target for reconstruction. The initial expenditure estimate made in 2005 stood at US$ 2.2 billion to complete this rebuilding. The amounts pledged at the Donor Forum held in that same year amounted to US$ 3.3 billion with commitments of US$2.99. However, the government reported in December of 2006 that there remained a funding gap of US$ 252 million. The initial mathematics make this hard to stomach. With almost a billion dollars extra pledged to the country, we still manage to have a deficit. This of course without calculating the debt relief and trade benefits also granted to Sri Lanka to ease its financial burden at the time. This shortfall is attributed to the sharply increased cost of goods in the last two years coupled with the inability to accurately calculate operating costs in the tsunami affected areas. Much of these areas largely remain in war-torn parts of the country.

The report goes on to say that the total expenditure in relation to foreign commitment in December 2006 was 35%, while government loan expenditure performance was at 40%. Once again the report attributes this slow disbursement to the ‘need to balance legitimate demands for speedy reconstruction with the more time consuming processes to ensure quality work; bottlenecks created by lack of capacity; poor management and bureaucratic delays’. This admission by the GOSL itself is a sad reflection on the response to probably the one national issue that does not involve ethnicity and/or party lines. To acknowledge its failings is probably half a step in the right direction. To remedy them is yet another matter. Hopefully the report of 2007 will make for better reading.

The revisions to the buffer zones on the coastal belt led to a revision of the initial housing plans. This reportedly raised the requirement for housing from 98,525 to 114, 069. This remarkable increase is more than slightly due to the exploitative nature of the true Sri Lanka resurfacing after the initial trauma of the tsunami. Anecdotal evidence speaks of instances where members of some families received a house each. Cronyism and corruption in the handling of beneficiary lists have contributed vastly to this unconscionable rape of the system.

The GOSL report states that 61,019 houses which were either fully or partially damaged have been reconstructed while 47,995 are in progress under the owner driven and donor driven housing projects. These numbers too are from last year and more recent official figures are not readily available. One of the main problems is the perceived inadequacy of the funds provided by the GOSL for the owner driven housing schemes. Many families have found it difficult to reconstruct based on the amounts received. Whether this is due to their squandering of the capital or due to legitimate hardship and improper infrastructure is impossible to quantify due to the vastly divergent phenomena in the different districts. The district level progress also makes for interesting reading. The gap between required and completed/in progress houses is erratic. In Hambantota for instance, the celebrated hometown of His Excellency the President (and this maybe just a coincidence) the amount of houses reconstructed vastly exceeds the number of houses initially damaged. The overflow is less apparent but still existent in Galle, Matara and Kalutara, largely Sinhala areas which are relatively unaffected by the war and the traditional voter bases of many parliamentary kingpins. Similarly Batticaloa and Mullaitivu (which also is coincidentally the abode of another moustachioed madman) the provision to requirement ratio is 1:1 although Mullaitivu too, shows an excess.

The influx of aid organisations in the aftermath of the tsunami was unprecedented. The I/NGOs mushroomed both in Colombo and in the affected areas. Existing I/NGOs such as the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), Sri Lanka Red Cross Society (SLRCS), Sarvodaya and the United Nations (UN) enhanced their operations and made housing the primary focus of their longer term relief efforts. All I/NGOs do not have the same structure and accountability processes to their donors. As a result the system is ripe for corruption regardless of whether the corruption actually takes place. While it functioned optimally RADA was the unifying body which co-ordinated the reconstruction efforts. However, with it being de facto inoperative, the I/NGOs are left with little guidance and even less places to turn to if things go horribly wrong.

It is fair to say that the common perception of I/NGOs and their officers is not complimentary. Whether this perception is deserved is a different matter altogether. The GOSL never had the resources to conduct the reconstruction effort independently. Foreign aid had to be mobilised and naturally foreign donors would like to know what is happening with their money. The only feasible means of meeting those two these two ends would be to channel the funds through I/NGOs accountable to a larger governing body or state. That is the matchbox version of I/NGOs have become necessary. However, whether it is also necessary to spend donor funds on housing their staff in 5 star hotels is another matter altogether.

No doubt the system is replete with bugs. However, to use an everyday office analogy – is it prudent to not use your computer because it crashes occasionally? The UN – Habitat report for September 2007 confirms completion of 75% of the housing requirement. The figures are slightly at divergence with the GOSL reports cited earlier but not by much. However, even those figures seem slightly incredible as the fluctuations between occupied and unoccupied houses change monthly. The report mentions an excess of 4,531 houses – 75% of which is in Hambantota. A shortfall of 11, 702 houses exists overall mostly in Colombo, Trincomalee and Jaffna. The report also states that over 12,000 families are in limbo. It can only be inferred that houses are not permanently occupied or that more than one house is being occupied by one family. Even so, if I/NGOs are aware of this obvious deviousness of the beneficiaries they are powerless to make any sanctions without the same being legally enforceable via the state. Especially if the said houses have gone to the benefit of henchmen. This though, is a mere speculation.

I/NGOs lament that the owner driven schemes are also faulty, with several beneficiaries claiming the money due to them and squandering it, thereby giving the impression – deliberately or unwittingly – that the I/NGOs are at fault for not completing the housing requirements as promised. Instances like these are cannon fodder for the opponents of I/NGOs. Instantly labelled as ‘peaceniks’ the I/NGOs have taken their fair share of flak for ‘helping’ the Tigers. From a different point of view however, I/NGOs by their very definition are non-aligned, and according to most of their charters are bound to provide assistance to whomsoever it is needed. Both sides, namely the GOSL and the LTTE, are aggrieved by this. The desire to claim the greater piece of the I/NGO was certainly exacerbated by the scuttling of the P-TOMS. It was widely believed that the P-TOMS was the only chance of some togetherness brought out via adversity. That too die a natural political death.

It is no secret that I/NGO staff travel in petrol guzzling jeeps, occupy exhorbitant office spaces and are generally spendthrift. Or at least this is the image that sections of the media would portray. Due to the lack of first hand evidence either way it is difficult to opine as to which version is most accurate. Nevertheless, it is also a fact that far more money than is allegedly wasted by these I/NGOs, is actually spent on the projects for which the monies are donated. Some I/NGOs also have restrictions on the disbursements of funds. If a project becomes unfeasible, the money allocated to the project is frozen and cannot be disbursed in any other way. This is a fine safeguard, but in a country such as Sri Lanka where the needs of the populace are fluid, it could operate as a counter productive safeguard. Be that as it may the chances of siphoning off money is difficult if not remote.

Litigation with regards to land already divested to the I/NGOs by the government is another huge problem. Large projects have shuddered to a halt in the face of enjoining orders and injunctions granted ex parte by Court. Title to land and various possessory problems have left a large swathe of the affected areas unsheltered. Who grants land? Why don’t they grant it properly?

The main area of concern however, is the spiralling construction costs. Contractors are making the proverbial killing while some I/NGOs are also reportedly being paid huge kick backs for allocating projects to specific contractors. There is a sore lack of checks and balances to ensure the discontinuance of these age old practices, thus necessarily equating a humanitarian response effort to an ordinary third world industry. While small scale inexperienced NGOs may not be able to prevent corruption of this nature, the more established, experienced actors must necessarily put in place a system which makes the disbursement of funds more transparent. There is no doubt whatsoever that pockets are being lined due to the gullibility or lack of circumspection on the part of the I/NGOs. Fast recruitment and inappropriate recruitment criteria, have meant that undesirables have embedded themselves in authoritative positions in most of these organisations. The fallout is obvious. The TEC report mentioned above condemns the ad-hoc allocation of funds and states that local NGOs may not have been the best vehicles for funds to be channelled through.

Having received these funds and put themselves in almost a fiduciary position to those affected by the tsunami, the lack of proactivity on the part of I/NGOs is apparent. Whether they like it or not, their assumption of responsibility for donor money has meant that the I/NGOs have a ‘duty of care’ toward their beneficiaries. Are they doing enough to discharge it? It is easy, and sometimes inevitable, to blame the renewed war efforts for the stopping of relief operations. The indiscriminate shelling has also further destroyed houses that were partially or fully constructed, thereby playing havoc with the numbers of houses accounted for in various reports. The TEC also abhors the lack of financial reporting by I/NGOs. It is virtually impossible, the report says, to trace back what proportion of a pledge has ultimately found its way to the ultimate beneficiary. In a financial environment where billions of VAT rupees go missing in a regulated government departments, it boggles the mind to imagine the possibilities in an unregulated non-governmental sphere.

As it stands, the people in the East – which is the area mainly affected – have a shortfall in housing, they have an uneasy relationship with the sea which is a source of life, and not too long ago a source of untold misery. In addition they live in constant apprehension of shelling by either side which may destroy their newly constructed home. The plight of these people does not seem to fuel the altruism of the GOSL or I/NGOs. The impossibility of actually carrying out any sort of work is hampered by the obvious need for survival in a war zone. I/NGOs are not generous to the point of self sacrifice and cannot be expected to work in their hard hats among falling mortars. Life is tough.

Tragedy after tragedy strikes the non-combatants that must wonder what plethora of sins they have committed in a past life. I/NGOs parade themselves as doers of good. While it must be admitted that some good has come of their existence, it also needs to be acknowledged that there is enormous room for improvement. GOSL also needs to look at humanitarian assistance as something more than a vote buying tool. After all they are the only ones with any sort of direct democratic accountability towards the electorate. And while people tend to forget…the tsunami affected are part of electorate too.

This article written for Montage, published by Counterpoint. To get in touch with or to subscribe to Montage, please email montagesrilanka [at] gmail.com

• A Wave of Relief
• Tsunami and asbestos
• Remembering the tsunami – along the south coast…
• Daily Security Report from UN – The plight of the North & East
• The end of war: Framed reflections by Deshan Tennekoon

The coverage by the media of yesterday’s earthquake near Indonesia might be of interest to some readers, and as the editor of JNW, Sri Lanka’s first SMS news agency, I thought of penning my personal opinion and raising some issues that could be discussed further.

My biggest concern at the moment, as a journalist, is getting access to the initial tip off from authorities on an impending disaster and the subsequent official news messages in a timely manner so that they can be passed on to the public as fast as possible.

There isn’t an email or SMS alert system in place, that I know of, that could easily meet this need. I know of the Met Dept website (http://www.meteo.slt.lk/Tswarn.html) which goes some way towards improving access to information, but I wouldn’t know when its updated.

An SMS or email by the Met Dept or Disaster Management Centre would go a long way towards helping the media pass on the message faster and more efficiently to the public saving valuable minutes in news delivery.

Yesterday, telephone access to the Met Dept and Disaster Mgt Centre was available and officials were available to tell us what was going, though it wasn’t always easy to phone in to these centres.

On the actual coverage by JNW via SMS, we thought it went pretty smoothly and SMS news delivery, which is a new and evolving format for breaking news, seems to be a very effective means of news delivery at the initial stages of a disaster warning.

I didn’t notice SMS congestion on any network during the first 2 hours. Though there was SMS congestion on one network in Colombo after those first 2 hours, but it cleared in under an hour.

In my opinion SMS news alerts are one of a number of methods of disseminating breaking news and one of several methods that authorities can use to inform the public. If not to reach 100,000 SMS subscribers, then at least 30,000 subscribers.

This number can include all media institutions reporters and local government officials, relief officials etc who want to be on the list (looking at delivery times of under 5-10 minutes).

From what I have gathered about SMS delivery, operators can increase capacity to deliver messages faster and to more people if they invest more, but current capacity/delivery times may be what I mentioned above.

SMS has now become one layer of disaster news dissemination which gets built on very quickly by TV, radio and web media leading to millions of people being made aware in minutes.

I am pretty sure that SMS alerts make news dissemination by TV, Radio and the web so much more faster, effective and efficient increasing reaction times of people involved in the process.

(Feedback from readers who received SMS news would be most welcome)

If breaking news by SMS came from the Met Dept or the Disaster Management Centre itself everyone’s reaction times would be so much more faster, which is what someone needs to seriously look at.

I heard that at least one radio station was talking about no threat after the Disaster Management Centre had warned the public on the coast to evacuate to safe areas, so it wasn’t a smooth coverage by any means.

I will be interested to know if Dialog experienced news delivery delays yesterday for their Reuters alerts but we delivered fine for our list of subscribers on all the networks.

• Sri Lanka on tsunami alert after Indonesia quake (Updated)
• Use Of SMS By Govt For Vital Information Dissemination
• The world in your Inbox – The Groundviews e-newspaper
• Update on Menik Camp flooding: More images and reports from the ground
• Who’s Afraid of Amateur Radio? Tsunami’s heroic technology has few backers in Sri Lanka

COLOMBO, Sept 12 (Reuters) – Sri Lanka issued a tsunami alert on Wednesday for its north, south and eastern districts following a major earthquake in Indonesia, the National Disaster Management Centre said.
“We have issued a warning for the south, north and east after the quake,” Keerthi Ekanayake, an official at the centre told Reuters. Sri Lanka was battered by the 2004 tsunami that hit the Indian Ocean rim.

- Reuters story ends -

Update #1 (7.00pm): Read the alerts issued on JNW and also visit their site for updates.

Update #2 (7.15pm): Reuters news alert SMS thru Dialog says “Small tsunami hit Indonesia’s Padang, Sri Lanka expects small tsunami by 7.30 – Disaster Management Centre”

Update #3: (7.34pm): Reuters news alert SMS thru Dialog says “Disaster management center lifts tsunami warning, says no effect; US Geological Survey increase earthquake magnitude to 8.2″ Also see Reuters web update here.

• SMS news alerts during emergencies – The experience of JNW and the tsunami warning of 13th September 2007
• A botched Tsunami Early Warning test – Lessons for the future
• Use Of SMS By Govt For Vital Information Dissemination
• The Lessons We Never Learn
• Better Governance: The Biggest Lesson of 2004 Tsunami

There was a small private launch a week ago in Colombo. COHRE plans to do a larger public screening followed by a discussion in the coming weeks.

The purpose of the film is to highlight Sri Lanka’s IDP issue. The film will be used by COHRE as an advocacy tool, and by its network partners to provoke discussion about the issue. It’s primarily aimed at an international audience.

Description of film:
In Sri Lanka, a natural disaster and ongoing conflict have displaced hundreds of thousands of people.

Those who lost everything to the December 2004 tsunami still wait for permanent housing. Families evicted from the North of Sri Lanka in 1990 continue to live in temporary shelters.

And now the recommencement of the war is forcing people to flee their homes once more towards refugee camps and uncertain futures…

Download low quality video file here or high quality version through Veoh here for your iPod or PC.

• Christmas 2008 in Sri Lanka
• “We need a revolution in Sri Lanka!” – A brief chat with Sam de Silva
• The untold story of a child
• The Art of Forgetting by Lisa Kois – Director’s Introduction and Previews
• We are nobody’s children…

I have written many letters to successive Transport Ministers through the media. Since my childhood and to date, I have used public transport in Sri Lanka. Unlike many others working in the non-governmental sector, I am acutely aware of the hardships the public face in their daily commutes and know not of a single initiative spearheaded by civil society to address the significant challenges facing public transportation in Sri Lanka.

I gave up writing letters when previous Transport Ministers believed their words alone could make a difference. I write to you today because I listened to you on the television and was convinced that you have a progressive attitude towards addressing an issue that next to the rising cost of living, is perhaps the most vexed questions faced by a majority of Sri Lankans today.

Unfortunately, while the JVP waits around for the revolution, the public continues to suffer. I know of only one initiative by the JVP and the Left to address the suffering of commuters in Sri Lanka, way back in 1971.

Now its your turn. Though addressing the combined forces of the political and bus will pose a significant challenge, my next submission will explore what is at stake and how one can go ahead with such an effort.

Read my article in full here (in Sinhala).

• Dallas – Are you listening? Part II
• Another face of corruption – The breakdown of the medical profession
• The Government’s “Eastern Rising”
• Perspectives on Peace and Culture
• A Citizen’s Notes – Mangala Samaraweera’s battle